Vodou

Boukman was a Vodou houngan (priest).

Connected to the Vodou ceremonial and ritual practice that bound Mackandal's resistance network

the concordat's deepest long-term target

the zombie figure in *Dézafi* draws directly on Vodou cosmology and reframes it as political critique

spiritual and communal infrastructure in Casimir's account.

Her Haiti fieldwork brought her into contact with Vodou-adjacent ritual knowledge, which she carried into transnational choreographic form.

Engaged with Vodou as part of the noiriste revaluation of African-derived cultural and spiritual practice as the authentic foundation of Haitian national identity.

Indirect connection through Fatiman's role as a mambo at Bois Caïman.

Issued the first official juridical naming and prohibition of 'le Vaudou' on November 21, 1796 — the founding document of the 191-year lineage of Haitian anti-Vodou law.

Initiated into the Arada tradition of gioux (vodou) and recruited other students from the convent school into the spiritual network; the vodou hymn she taught her companions alarmed the nuns who couldn't translate it.

liberation-knowledge institution that Casimir reads through the Santos frame

central to *Bain de lune*'s narrative logic; Lahens treats vodou cosmology as the organizing framework of rural Haitian life, not as exotic material

Serves a Haitian Vodou community in Brooklyn, transforming urban space into ritual space

His tent was filled with African spiritual objects; he held ceremonies where women danced and he promised soldiers that death in battle meant return to Africa — spiritual exaltation that was then channeled directly into night attacks.

Described as a 'fervent voodoo adept' who carried a white rooster believed to transmit celestial inspiration; his followers waved ox tails after the assassination to render bullets ineffective.

Described as a revered Vodou leader who used ritual authority — horsehair talismans, invulnerability claims, mass ceremony — to mobilize and sustain fighters.

Embodied the Arada tradition of vodou — her authority came from African initiation rather than colonial accommodation, and she organized her network through ritual recognition signs and sacred knowledge.

The ceremony was a Vodou ritual invoking the lwa as witnesses to the revolutionary oath.

The royal palm associated with Ayizan appears on the Haitian flag, linking Vodou symbolism to state emblems

The objects and practices prosecuted - mayombo sticks, sacred packets, nocturnal assemblies - belong to the Vodou and Petwo tradition

Mackandal organized his network through Vodou ritual and spiritual authority

Vodou - secrecy, oath, night travel - operated as a coordinated clandestine network enabling the assembly

The feast day overlapped with celebrations for Ezili Kawoulo, illustrating the layering of Catholic and Vodou calendars

The religious traditions of the Bight of Benin region were foundational to Haitian Vodou.

Bois Caïman is the most sacred site in Haitian revolutionary and Vodou memory

The calenda had connections to African ceremonial and spiritual practice.

The Rada rite of Vodou derives from Arada/Allada — ethnic origins shaped spiritual practice

Possession by the lwa is the central ritual phenomenon in Vodou practice.

The hounfor is the sacred compound where Vodou ceremonies are held.

The nanchon system organizes the lwa into African-origin nation groups within Vodou.

Deren's phenomenological account describes possession as it is experienced from within Vodou practice.

Vodou practice encompasses the ceremonies, beliefs, and social structures of the Vodou religion.

Deren describes the specific ritual forms and ceremonies within the Vodou tradition.

Spiritual foundation of revolutionary solidarity

The religion itself

Core concept hub